The Nuclear Taboo of American Sea Power

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Mackenzie Eaglen, Research Fellow for National Security at the Heritage Foundation explores the current plight and pitfalls of US maritime power. Eaglen explains the air-sea battle concept and the joint efforts involved to make this a success.

You’ve stated in published articles that America is a ‘maritime power’, but this edge is on the decline – what are the implications to America for loss of sea power?

Military and economic strength are mutually reinforcing. The overwhelming majority of world commerce moves virtually unmolested across the great expanse of the maritime commons. Protection of the global commons is a vital national interest of the United States.

The U.S. Navy’s global presence has added immeasurably to U.S. economic vitality and to the economies of America’s friends and allies, not to mention those of its enemies. World wars, which destroyed Europe and much of East Asia, have become almost incomprehensible thanks to the “nuclear taboo” and preponderant American sea power. If these conditions are removed, all bets are off.

A preponderant naval power occupies a unique position in the global order, a special seat at the table, which when unoccupied creates conditions for instability.

What role might Long Range Strike developments play in strengthening this pitfall? 

The fleet of the future will require increased network capability, longer range, and increased persistence.  The U.S. is quickly losing its monopolies on guided weapons and the ability to project power.  Precision munitions and battle networks are proliferating, while advances in radar and electro-optical technology are increasingly rendering stealth less effective.

The Pentagon roles and missions review should direct an after action item to develop a long-range technology road map, including a science and technology plan and a research and development plan for the Air Force. This should broadly outline future investments, capabilities, and requirements, including a new air superiority fighter jet, low-observable capabilities beyond stealth, more capable land attack, and air-to-air missiles, next-generation rotary wing aircraft, satellite recapitalization, directed energy and electromagnetic weapons, nanotechnology and solid-state and fiber lasers, biotechnologies, and advanced cyber technologies.

Explain the air-sea battle concept and the joint efforts involved to make this a success?

Among other priorities, the operational concept must identify areas of needed investment, identify new training and doctrine, and guide infrastructure requirements around the world.  When the Cold War ended, certain missions—including anti-shipping strikes and open-ocean anti-submarine warfare—were seen as no longer important. Some capabilities, such as the ability to launch anti-ship cruise missiles from submarines, were also abandoned.  

The U.S. Navy must reinvigorate its research and development efforts.  Currently, there are no new surfaces or subsurface combatants in the design phase—an unprecedented situation. To avoid such a scenario, Congress should require the development of a comprehensive naval research and development plan that exploits advances in such technologies as unmanned aerial vehicles, unmanned submersibles, and space systems. The U.S. Pacific Air Force must keep on track its modernization program.  Low observable aircraft and unmanned aerial vehicles will remain vital to air-sea battle, as will electronic warfare capabilities.

What A2/AD capabilities are the most concerning to the US currently?

For the past several decades, the Chinese military has been steadily improving its operational capabilities.  The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) has expanded some of its forces (e.g., ballistic missiles), improved its command and control, and begun implementing joint operations.  It has also begun improving its air and naval forces. The PLAN has been maintaining the size of its submarine force while it modernizes the fleet and augmenting its aerial maritime strike capability. What the substantial numbers of submarines and fast attack craft, coupled with development of the DF-21D anti-ship ballistic missile and anti-ship cruise missiles, do suggest is that the PLA may be pursuing an asymmetric strategy at sea: one of anti-access/area denial.

Contributor:   Mackenzie Eaglen

Mackenzie Eaglen specializes in defense strategy, military readiness and the defense budget as research fellow for national security studies at The Heritage Foundation. Eaglen, a policy expert attached to Heritage's Allison Center for Foreign Policy Studies, also focuses on the defense industrial base and the size and structure of the nation's armed forces.

In 2010, Eaglen served as a staff member of the congressionally mandated Quadrennial Defense Review Independent Panel, a bipartisan, blue-ribbon commission established to assess the Pentagon's major defense strategy.

Her commentary and analysis have appeared in major newspapers such as The New York Times and The Washington Post, in military-focused publications such as Defense News and Army Times and in journals such as Armed Forces Journal, Proceedings, National Defense, Ripon Society Forum and Military Technology.

Eaglen also is a regular contributor to leading blogs, including GlobalSecurity's “SitRep,” NRO's “The Corner” and Time magazine’s “Battleland.”

Before joining Heritage in 2006, Eaglen was principal defense adviser to Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine), a senior member of the Senate Armed Services Committee and ranking member of the Homeland Security Committee. She previously served as legislative assistant to Rep. John E. Sweeney (R-NY).

Eaglen served for more than two years at the Pentagon as a Presidential Management Fellow. She researched and analyzed defense resources and budgeting, strategic planning, Iraqi reconstruction efforts and the U.S. defense industrial base. She wrote speeches for Air Force Gen. Richard B. Myers, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff following the September 11 attacks. Earlier, she was a national security analyst at the Association of the United States Army's Institute of Land Warfare.

She has lectured at the Army War College, National Defense University, American University, Georgetown University, George Washington University, University of Georgia, Indiana University and Hofstra University.

Eaglen has appeared on defense panels at venues such as the Foreign Policy Research Institute, National Guard Association, Reserve Officers Association, Federalist Society, National Defense Industrial Association, Center for Security Policy, CATO Institute and the Security Industry Association. She participated in the Department of Defense Executive Course on National and International Security and the Army G-8 leadership symposium.

Eaglen received her master's degree in national security studies in 2001 from Georgetown University. She graduated from Mercer University, in Macon, Ga., with a bachelor's degree in international affairs. She and her husband welcomed a son in 2010.

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